THE NEWSLETTER OF THE SLAVIC INTEREST GROUP

Summer AS XXXIII (1998)
Volume III, Issue 4 (#11)


From the Nachalnik

New name: I received a few comments about the proposed name. Most of them were positive. Some alternate suggestions were made, including "Mir" (Russian for "land/peace"), "Wschodni Glos" ("Eastern Voice" in Polish), and "Prawda" ("truth" - which reminds me a bit too much of communists!). If anyone likes these ideas more or has other ideas, drop me a note and let me know. For now, we'll use Slovo.

Pennsic: The next order of business is to remind folks who are going to Pennsic that we will have our traditional "class" and a Slavic Festival this year (see details below).

Lastly, a reminder that I have moved. My new address and phone is: Paul Goldschmidt, 802 Bowman Ave, Madison WI 53716, 608-224-0126.


SIG Discussion Group Update

By Erik the Pale

The Slavic Interest group email discussion list has been going strong now since the end of March. We have over 50 members, and about 20 messages pass through in a week. Discussion has ranged from the origins of the word Rus', to traditional music, Slavic entomology, garb, and people I have never heard of before. Pending member approval, a web based archive will be going up as soon as I can get around to it.

If you are interested in joining us, information about the list can be found at: http://www.room17.com/~erik/sig_list.html but the basics are: send mail to majordomo@room17.com. Put in the body "subscribe" (without the quotes). You will then receive a confirmation. Follow the directions in the confirmation message, and you will be added to the list.


Pennsic

By Ilyana Barsova and Paul Wickenden of Thanet

As we did last year, there will be two main activities sponsored by SIG at Pennsic. These are the "class" and the Slavic Festival.

The class is "Researching Things Slavic" and it will take place on Monday, August 10 at 2pm in A & S I. This will be the usual gathering-masquerading-as-a-class - our stealth recruitment tool. Drop in to show support and provide ideas while I run my annual brain-storm session. Also, hang around and be friendly to the new folks.

The annual "Slavic Festival" will take place on Wednesday, August 12 at 7:30pm in A & S I and will be hosted by Ilyana Barsova and Mordak Timofei'evich Rostovskogo. Included in the evening's schedule are dowry negotiations and a betrothal ceremony for Ilyana Barsova and Paul Wickenden, in preparation for their Russian wedding which will occur next year at Pennsic. Remember to bring your Slavic-themed projects for the show-and-tell presentation. We also hope to hear our bandura playing friends from last year! If you would like to perform or present anything at the Festival, let us know (jdmiller2@students.wisc.edu) so it can be included in the flyers we put up at the War. All volunteer efforts are cheerfully accepted!


New SCA Group in Poland

By Paul Wickenden of Thanet

A year or so ago, I mentioned the new SCA branch forming in Vladmir and Suzdal, Russia. To the best of my knowledge, that group is still going strong. Now I've heard about a group in Korzuchow and Miedzyrzecz, Poland. The Proto-Incipient Shire of Boleslavia is a group forming out of an existent Polish reenactment group called the "Chivalry Brotherhood of Ziemia Lubuska." They are holding an event on July 23-26, 1998 in Korzuchow which is non-SCA but which they invite SCA members to attend. While they note that SCA-style rattan combat is not popular in Poland (Poles prefer live steel), they are hoping to turn people on to SCA combat and have been working with Attemark to stir up some interest.

Their leader is very nice and welcomes communication from SIG and SCA members in general. He is Edgar de Raven (Dariusz Winnicki, ul Krzywoustego 21 / 7, 66-40 Gorzow Wlkp, POLAND). His phone number is (048) 95-722-55-08 and his email address is promic@kam.pl. For more information on the group and their event (including schedule of events and directions), go to their website (www.sulnet.com.pl/bractwo)


Suggestions on Polish and Other Eastern European Resources

By Mordak Timofei'evich Rostovskogo

At the First Annual Slavic Party I was approached by several gentles about persona development and costume resources for Eastern Europe personas. In an effort to spread the limited wealth, I am writing this blurb to pass on several authors and works that have a wealth of pictures, even though they are also written in a foreign language. I have grouped them by country/region/culture. The same resources can be found in two publications out of Carolingia in the East Kingdom and soon available through Yelisaveta without the patterns for the actual garments.

Poland/Lithuania:

  • Bartkiewicz, Magdalena. Polski Uboir do 1864 roku. Zaklad Narodowy imiena Ossolinskich Wydawnictwo, 1979. (10th-18th centuries)
  • Turnau, Irina. History of Dress in Central and eastern Europe from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century. Warsaw: Institute of the History of Material Culture, 1991.
  • ___________. Ubior Narowdowy w Dawnej Rzezczypospolitej. Warsaw: Semper, 1991.
  • Vecellio, Cesare. Vecellio's Renaissance Costume Book. New York: Dover Books, 1977.

    Hungary/Wallachia/Moldavia:

  • Amman, Jost. Pictorial Archive of Decorative Renaissance Woodcuts, Second Edition. New York: Dover Books, 1985.
  • Gervers, Veronika. The Influence of Ottoman Turkish Textiles and Costume in Eastern Europe, with Particular Reference to Hungary. Toronto: Royal Ontario Museum, 1982.
  • Mateijko, Jan. Costumes in Poland of Other Days. Krak'ow, Wydawn: Literackie, 1967.
  • Turnau, Irena. History of Dress in Central and Eastern Europe from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century. Warsaw: Institute of the History of Material Culture, 1991.
  • Vasnetscu, Virgil. Wall Paintings in Northern Moldavia. Bucharest: Meridian Publishing, 1974.

    Eastern Balkans:

  • Nicolescu, Corina. Istoria Costumului de Curte in Tarile Romane, 14th-18th Seceole. Bucharest: Editura Stintifica, 1970.


    Early Russian Embroidery Materials

    By Soraya Evodia of Odessa

    Materials, colors and stitches used in rich early Russian ornamental and ecclesiastical embroidery as described in: Early Russian Embroidery in the Zakorsk Museum Collection (Moscow: Sovietskaya Rossiya, 1983):

    Ground:
    Damask - red, lilac, reddish-yellow, blue, dark blue
    Satin - red, scarlet, violet, green, purple
    Taffeta - crimson, whitish
    Velvet - purple

    Borders:
    Damask - lilac, pale blue, black, greenish
    Satin - reddish brown, greenish-gold
    Silk - pink
    Taffeta - crimson, pale blue, yellow
    Velvet - black, purple

    Lining:
    Damask - reddish-yellow
    Linen - white, brown printed with a floral design
    Satin - green
    Silk - yellow
    Taffeta - blue, violet

    Silk embroidery thread:
    Purple, violet, white, green, emerald green, dark and pale brown, pale blue, blue, reddish-yellow, red, yellow, yellow-green, golden-brown, beige, gray

    Faces done in vertical/horizontal/modeled satin stitch in flesh-colored or whitish silk, with grayish/brownish shadings. One example of skin done in fine gold thread.

    Couching:
    Gold and silver thread couched in patterns with corresponding colored silks or bright contrasting silk thread in colors such as terracotta, pale blue, emerald green, greenish yellow, purple, yellow, brown, reddish-brown, whitish, red and crimson.

    Stitches used: satin stitch, split stitch, raised satin stitch, tent-stitch, couching, laid work and patterned couching.

    Besides embroidery, areas were also filled or decorated with seed pearls, gold bullion wire, gems set in gold such as emeralds, rubies, sapphires, tourmalines, turquoise, engraved or nielloed golden or gilt plates, and enamels.

    Half of the pieces shown had inscriptions embroidered on them. Half of these used silver thread, half used gold thread, one used pearls.

    Pearls (flattened oval shape, drilled through the short dimension,) used for outlining, often outlined again with twisted silver-gilt wire or gold thread bullion. One example seen of outlining with white cord.


    Law Codes of the Kievan Rus'

    By Nicolaa de Bracton of Leicester

    Iaroslav's reign is usually considered the pinnacle of Kievan civilization, and history has granted to Iaroslav the epithet "the Wise." One of Iaroslav's achievements was to codify the customary law of the Kievan Rus. This law code, or pravda (a word whose meaning is variously translated as "law," "justice," or "truth," depending on the context) was later expanded by Iaroslav's sons. The original code is quite short -- consisting of only eighteen articles, it would easily fit onto two pages.

    Before I discuss the codes themselves, a word about early medieval law codes in general. There is much contention about whether these codes (such as those made by the Germanic successor states of Rome, which were essentially a mix of Germanic and Roman Law) were meant not for practical use, but to legitimize the rule of the Germanic kings by putting their kingdoms on a legal basis. Written laws were thus a matter of prestige, something every kingdom worth its salt would have. This thesis goes on to argue that the legislation of kings was, at best, only a mirror of the customary law practiced in their lands; at worst, these laws were little more than empty scribblings. Against this it has been argued that the large number of existing copies of some of these law codes, some with signs of obvious wear, are by themselves evidence of the practical intent of the law codes. The reality of the situation seems to be that both arguments are in some way valid and that the situation varied considerably from region to region, depending on, among other things, education level of the judges, population density, and stability of the state itself.

    The simplicity of the earliest Russian law code makes it likely that its codification was probably an attempt by Iaroslav to claim the prestige of being the "Father of Russian Law." His father Vladimir's conversion to Christianity has strengthened the ties to Byzantium that had been building for some time; Kiev also had begun to cultivate ties with Western Europe as well. Byzantium, of course, had a long tradition of law codification, starting back with Justinian in the sixth century and continuing with novels, or additions to the code, right down to Iaroslav's own time. Unlike the Byzantines, however, few of Iaroslav's subjects had ever lived under Roman law. It is not surprising, thus, to discover that these early laws show little classical influence.

    Anyone who has examined other early law codes will be on familiar ground with these. Like most early law codes, the Pravda provides a system of monetary fines for all offenses, from murder to the cutting off of beards or moustaches. Unlike many other early codes, however, there is no system of graded wergelds for various levels of society in Iaroslav's codification -- all free men (nothing is said of women) have a wergeld (money paid to the relatives of the injured party in serious cases) of 40 grivna (probably silver grivna are meant, which were equivalent to one troy pound of silver). Iaroslav's code also permits certain relatives to avenge murders, but he sought to discourage this old custom by strictly delineating which relatives had the right of vengeance.

    Also covered in the code are penalties for those who harbour runaway slaves (a fine of three grivna plus the return of the slave) and penalties for slaves who strike freemen and then hide in their master's house (twelve grivna if the master will not give up the slave, plus the freeman is allowed to beat up the slave).

    In contrast with many other early codes, there are no mentions of the testimony of character witnesses in legal proceedings; however, eyewitnesses are called for in some cases of assault (though Varangians are allowed to swear an oath instead). Trial by a jury of twelve men is also mentioned in connection with commercial disputes, when two business partners are in dispute about the profits. Commercial concerns clearly play a large part in Kievan society.

    The Pravda of Iaroslav's sons adds a graded wergeld system, mostly in relation to royal officials (who have a wergeld of eighty grivna) and persons of servile status (from twelve grivna for an overseer down to five grivna for a peasant or herdsman -- the fine for killing a horse is 2-3 grivna, incidentally). Fines for killing livestock are also listed, and the code ends with the fees which bridge builders receive for their work.

    The expanded version of the Pravda (promulgated in the 13th century) delves much more deeply into actual legal procedure. A graded system of ordeals and oaths is mentioned for teh first time for cases of theft if the missing item cannot be found. The revised Pravda also shows much more reliance on eyewitnesses; character witnesses are also mentioned.

    Once again, the great role of trade and commerce in Kievan society becomes apparent with laws regulating loans and interest (which is not prohibited, unlike in other parts of Europe), articles advising leniency towards merchants who have lost their goods in shipwrecks, and the procedure when a man defaults on loans or debts: he is brought to the marketplace and all his goods sold; the proceeds go to pay off first, the prince (if any of his money is involved), second, out-of-town merchants, and third, local creditors. But agricultural matters play almost as big a role, particularly penalties for stealing beehives. Penalties for arson are also detailed.

    There are also more substantial sections on class interaction: what happens when one peasant strikes another, whether slaves can testify (they cannot, except as a last resort, and only higher-ranking slaves even then). Significantly, this code mentions for the first time that the wergeld of a free female is one half that of a free male.

    Another significant addition concerns inheritance law. The estates of nobles always go to the children, be they sons or daughters. If a wife survives, she receives a portion of the estate for her use during her lifetime (similar to English dower) and anything her husband specifically leaves her. She is also allowed to stay on the homestead if she wishes to and manages it, but if she marries again, she must return it. The subject of wardship is also discussed; the guardian is responsible for managing the minor's estate and can keep the profits for his trouble, but if he loses anything, he must repay the heir. Finally, provisions are made for the fees the officials in the various courts are to receive.

    One can make a much better case for this Pravda as being intended for practical use. But like English law, Kievan customary law (upon which these codes are based) was likely a much more complex and flexible system than these codes reveal. The codifications were a guide to the judges and established precedent, but were not an end in themselves, as there were always circumstances which were not covered. In many ways Kievan law was as advanced as any in Europe (such as in its reliance on clearly-defined legal procedure and professional courts), but in other ways it lagged behind -- Western Europe had gradually been moving away from the system of wergeld to a system in which murder and other "felonies" were an offense against the Crown, who thus was charged with dispensing justice and levying fines. The ordeal had also nearly disappeared in Western Europe by the thirteenth century; even judicial combat, to which the aristocracy clung as their prerogative, was becoming quite rare.


    Citizens of Brasov in the 14th and 15th Century (Part II)

    Translated by Bogdan din Brasov

    [Editor's note: The following is the second installment of a translation of a German work entitled, "Die Buerger von Kronstadt im 14. und 15. Jarhundert."]

    Today, if you look upon the city from Zinne, a 300 meter high mountain that towers over Brasov, you are presented with a unique view of the ground-plans of medieval Brasov. One clearly recognizes that the city developed out of 5 "settlement centers" that lay near each other. The open spaces, which still lies between them today, separated the centers from one another. The oldest part of the city is the Upper Suburb, which originated from an early feudal Romanian settlement. The Upper Suburb lies in the narrow valleys to the south west of the later city center and is called Scheii Brasovului by the Romanians who left a large number of recognizable topographical names in this area which also assimilated strong Slavic population elements. From the beginning of the 13th century came the three settlements of Corona - Transylvanian-Saxon Krunen - lying directly in the Zinne valley, which later constituted the fortified city center, and both of the suburban settlements in the North against the Burzenlaender Planes, the so-called Old City (Martinsberg) and Bartholoma, which later grew together. In all probability, these three settlements were built at the time of the German knighthood, and were settled with German colonists. More recently, but in existence at the latest in the 14th century, is the suburb of Blumenau, which lays in the north-east. In contrast to the four other settlement centers, Blumenau never developed its own way of life, rather it developed, from its beginning on, as a suburb of Corona. It drew mainly from population elements, among them the numerous Hungarian and Seklern settlements.

    Since the 14th century, at the latest, these five settlement centers were united in both administration and in the courts under the leadership of Corona as an urban center. Our examination covers therefore, mainly, the history of Corona, which since the 14th century has also appeared as Brassovia. Since the specifics in the history of the city, where various nationalities of people have been living together since the oldest times, let us take into consideration, in our examination, as far as the documents allow, the suburbs of Brasov and its population.

    The oldest written references to the formation of the later city of Brasov, is in connection with the presentation of the Burzen lands to the German knighthood by the Hungarian king, Andreas II. In 1211, the knights were called on for the purpose of defending the south-eastern borders of Transylvania from the invasion of the Kumanen (Turks??). In the short time of their stay (1211-1225) the knights had, from the beginning, pursued an economic objective in addition to their military function.

    Already near their installation as feudal landholders, the knights had been promised the right to establish farming communities, and duty free markets, and to construct wooden cities. In the grant (lit.: gift deed), repeated in 1222, there is already mention of cities built in stone. In the same document, the order is granted certain business privileges - exportation of salt, and importation of other goods to Alt and Miresch, as well as duty-free access on certain roads in the land of the Seklers and the land of the Wallachians. It is to be assumed that the knights had made use of these rights prior to the issuance of the document in 1222, which was only performed as a belated confirmation of the facts. At that time, they had arbitrarily extended their land on to the Danube, and they clearly intended the considerable extension of commercial relations. The establishment of Corona must be viewed in the context of a trading base, from where the trade route across the Romanian region to the Danube could be governed. In fact, the political and administrative midpoint of the Order's rule was in the Burzenland, Marionburg, on Alt. It was also here where the most important travel route of the Burzenland, as proved by Geza Bako, met with the passes out of the Carpathians. However, Corona had the advantage over Marionburg, which was lying open on all sides, in that Corona was in a protected site at the foot of the bend of the Carpathians. So, the trade route diverted from the passes of the eastern and southern Carpathians through Corona, which we recognize as the only stone city designed by the knights.

    The founding date of Corona is not certifiably covered. The year 1203, which is handed down in later Brasovian chronicles, must be founded on a mistake, since the knightly order first came to the land in 1211. Gernut Nuessbaecher has set the founding year with great probability in 1213. In 1225, the German knights were again displaced out of the lands by the Hungarian king. However, the business establishment, which they founded in the Zinne Valley, the seat of their order, survived. There is a list of the monasteries in Hungary and Transylvania which the Praemonstratenser abbot, Federicus of Hamborn, visited in 1235. Therein, is mention of a convent in Corona, in the Kumanic Diocese. Since the Burzenland (following the expulsion of the German Knights) was ecclesiastically subject to the bishopric of Milcov, which was founded in 1227 for the purpose of christianizing the Kumans, only the later Brasov can be meant by the name Corona. Corona was mentioned in documentation for the first time in 1235.

    Paul Binder has expressed the assumption, that, in regard to the aforementioned abbey, we are probably dealing with the Beginen-House {a place for young women to live together}, which stood under the protection of the Praemonstatenser Order, and which as St. Catherine's House, actually did exist in Brasov up until the Reformation. Since Beginen-Houses, as we know from Flanders and the Rheinland, -- the emigration area from which the Transylvanian Saxons came-- were, in the 12th and 13th centuries, only found in urban settlements, the message of 1235 is proof that Corona continued to remain a trade establishment after the expulsion of the German knights.

    From this date on, for approximately a century, further written sources are completely absent, so that only a part of the ground plan of the city could be gained (lit. won) from the clue about the arrangement and size of the settlement. Out of this, it was suggested that the oldest center of Corona had been a small settlement around the fortified Church of Mary. This size was estimated from the research to be approximately 30 farmsteads, which corresponded to 150-180 inhabitants.

    At approximately the same time as Corona - likewise to the time of the German knights- the two other Saxon settlements must have come into being, which were adjacent to the northern part of Corona. It develops from this, that the place which always was, and till this day is called "Altstadt," could be no younger than Corona. An indication of the age of the settlement Bartholoma is - absent from every document- the urban church, whose Romanian beginnings go back to the first half of the 13th century, and which was completed after the Mongolian invasion of 1241 in an early gothic style.

    The great Mongolian attack of 1241-1242, which devastated the whole of Transylvania, also did not spare Brasov. The Chronicle of Echternacht (Luxemburg), which describes the devastation by the Mongolians in Transylvania, reports of their invasion: "in civitate que vocatur Burza," which develops in context to be strictly concerned with Brasov, probably above all with the two outer settlements, Altstadt and Bartholoma. As well, the Brasovian records explain that after the Mongolian invasion, the inhabitants of these destroyed cities fled (lit. withdrew) to Brasov-Corona which, in the protection of the surrounding mountains, had probably not suffered as harshly (strongly) under the devastation. The fact is, that this urban settlement significantly expanded after the middle of the 13th century and 100 years later had reached the circumference of the medieval city. In the course of this expansion, the two other settlements were demoted (lit. sank down) into suburbs of Corona.

    The first big Mongolian invasion of 1241 was, within a century, followed by at least three additional large invasions in the Burzenland, in 1278, 1285, and 1335. Through these (invasions), Brasov was probably devastated again and again. This appears to be the reason that for over a century, the city is no longer mentioned in the documents. In the Great Privilege of 1353, which King Louis I (1342-1382) issued the city, express mention is made that it is a matter of renewal of privilages, that had become necessary becaise 'the documents about those freedomes had been lost in peaceless times.'

    The documents on the development of Brasov which are still extant first appear after the last big Mongolian invasion of 1335. The first one dates from the year 1336. It is executed by Chanadinus, archbishop of Gran, who confirms to the deans of Hermannstadt and the Burzenland chapter, under his jurisdiction (lit. subserient to him), i.e. the Plebanen Walbrum von Stolzenburg and Michael von Corona the rights (privileges) of extensive ecclesiastical independence. The phrase "Micael decarus de Brasso necnon plebanus de corona," plainly indicates that in these times, it was clearly (lit. precisely) distinguished between Brasso as Komitat and Corona as a city as the foot of the Zinne.

    The remains of an earlier Romanian Basilica of relatively large proportions, from the 13th and the beginning of the 14th century were found on the occasion of the Excavation of 1937-38 on the Black Church. These remains suggest that the Pleban of Corona in those days directed a populous congregation. This is confirmed, as well, by the study of later urban planning, which for the 1st half of the 14th century had an estimated 160-180 plots, which corresponds to some 800-1,000 inhabitants. The city had continued to develop itself in spite of the Mongolian invasion.

    The second of our documents was issued a few years after this, on the 25th of April, 1342 in Corona. It states that a certain Nicolaus Cresche, and his spouse Margaret, donated half of a mill to the Peter and Paul Monastery in Corona on the condition that the monks of this monastery read a yearly mass for their salvation, in the Jacobus church, which they also donated. The remainder of the revenue was supposed to be applied to the building of the monastery.

    This document which reflects the position of Brasov in the middle of the 14th century is so revealing, that we would make it the starting point of our wider examination. We owe them for their information for 3 reasons:

    First, it allows conclusions about the geographic expansion of the city at that time. The construction of the previously mentioned Peter and Paul's monastery of the Dominicans was decided by the general chapter of the Order, which was held in Barcelona in 1323. The previously mentioned gift for the building of the monastery indicates that by 1342 it was still being built. Now this monastery lies beyond the old city center of the 13th century, at the end of the later Monastery Alley. Hence, since the document expressly mentions that the monastery lies in Corona, it permits us to conclude that by the middle of the 14th century, the city had {once again} expanded out to that part of town in which the monastery was located. Since this section of the city was part of the last construction-site of the medieval city, it follows from the document that the expansion of Brasov had, around the middle of the 14th century, reached the extended area possessed in the later middle ages.


    Proposed Collaboration

    By William Reger

    Greetings Slavic Interest Group! I ran across your website a few weeks ago and was intrigued by your interest in early Russian history and culture. Paul Goldschmidt (who turns out to be a former classmate of mine at the University of Illinois) suggested that I write directly to you to propose an idea I've been developing.

    In the coming Fall Semester I will be teaching a course in Russian history up to 1725 at Illinois State University in Bloomington-Normal. For one of the writing assignments I plan to give, I would like to give my students the option of contributing research that would be of interest and use to the Slavic Interest Group.

    Those students who opt for this assignment could contribute to your group in several ways: by writing a short research paper or a series of shorter book reviews, or by taking notes from relevant special lectures. Paul has agreed to post on your site or serialize in your newsletter the students' writing, making it available to the entire group. The benefit to you would be an increase in information on the period and region, and the benefit to my students would be the rare opportunity of producing historical research with a practical purpose, and with a specific audience in mind.

    To make the writing assignment even more purposeful for you and my students, I would like to solicit from you specific questions, topics, and titles that you would like to learn more about. You can send these to me (w-reger@uiuc.edu) or to Paul Goldschmidt. Later on when the Fall semester picks up, it might be interesting for you to correspond directly with the students who will be doing the writing.


    Book Review

    Hilton, Alison. Russian Folk Art. Bloomington IN: Indiana University Press, 1995.

    Very well documented survey of Russian folk art, divided into four sections: its context in peasant life, materials and methods, meaning of the designs and the preservation and revival of these forms.

    For our purposes it is instructive to see all the continuity from ancient time, as well as the many items which are recent inventions. For example, lacquer work (i.e. the decorated boxes) entered Russia long after the end of the Middle Ages. Or take the famous nesting dolls (matreshka) the first documented example dates from 1890! But fear not, many folk arts go back to very ancient roots. Most instructive is the chapter "Amulet, Ornament and Ritual" which locates archeological and historic sources of folk traditions. I found it to contain one of the better surveys of Russian paganism, describing how the ancient religion served as a source for design elements.

    The book is also very clearly written. For the general reader it raises intriguing questions about how culture is transmitted in visual forms, why some images persist while other dissappear. It will be a useful brake for us in doing historic recreation, sifting out what was possible from the anachronism.

    -- Peotr Alexeivich


    Inquiries

  • Lilias McLeod (Celia S. Vencil, afn03467@afn.org) is interested in costuming information for the Carpathian region during the time of Vlad the Impaler.

  • Tamitsa Katerina Evstokh'eva (Tamie Fogle, P.O. Box 3809, Kodiak AK 99615, 907-486-6259, tamfogle@ptialaska.net) wonders what Russians or other Slavs used for lodging when traveling. "I would assume that European tents are not exactly what was used and would like to make something to live in at the end of this summer. Would a yurt be appropriate? If not, what is?"


    Standard Disclaimer Stuff: Most of us are members of the Society for Creative Anachronism, Inc (SCA) but our Interest Group and its newsletter are not officially affiliated with the SCA. Naturally, then, Slovo does not bear any intentional resemblance to anything that the SCA officially endorses.

    The original authors retain the rights to their works. Please contact them directly for permission to reprint. Uncredited material is the property of the publisher.

    The publisher and editor is Paul Wickenden of Thanet (Paul Goldschmidt), 802 Bowman Ave, Madison WI 53716, e-mail: goldschmidt@uwplatt.edu. There is no subscription fee and copies of this quarterly newsletter are available free of charge from the editor. Slovo is also available on-line at the Interest Group website (vms.www.uwplatt.edu/~goldschmidt/ slavic.html).